With great pleasure we reissuing old glories of Skeptical Eye, this time a thorough review of the call or psychokinesis psychokinesis, also known as "poltergeist", this is the kind of phenomena which are manifested in the allegedly "haunted houses". The author of this comprehensive monograph, originally published in July 1993, the expert illusionist paranormal frauds Ladislao Enrique Marquez, demystified in that same issue a resonant story at that time was known as "The General Madariaga case," which, with the initial blessing of the daily Clarín had the more media coverage than ever before received an episode of the genus in Argentina. The publicity of the case Marquez encouraged to compile their knowledge on the subject in a paper anthology, the same as presented in the same breath.
"I have long felt that the biggest difference between the skeptic and the parapsychologist is a matter of expectation. The first does not consider the validation of the paranormal is imminent, the second depends on the event for their justification. In addition, the skeptic will invoke parsimony, the simplest explanation consistent with the facts, which avoids parapsychologist. Personally, I find much more reasonable when objects fly around a room in the vicinity of an unhappy 14-year-old distrust of the lack of information and observation before rejecting the basic laws of physics. "
James Randi, 1985.
There is a long tradition of stories and incidental observations suggest that, in principle, a series of events "strange" associated with a place and / or household characteristics, according to the course of years, have been interpreted in terms of beliefs. However, the historical development has not substantially affected the terminology and definitions, in many cases, even in its interpretive nature.
An extensive list can be included to describe, perhaps with some nuanced differences, which many have tried to present as haunted houses, spells, ghostly apparitions, infestations, Spiritist manifestations, poltergeists, etc.., Etc.
Basically, all references point to share disturbing the order auditory, visual and / or mechanical motor.
No less numerous are the list of strange events that, according to witnesses categorize cases:
- Movement (displacement and / or levitation) of small and large objects.
- Rupture of objects.
- Electrical disturbances.
- Spontaneous combustions.
- Rain of stones, gravel, etc..
- Appearance and disappearance of objects spontaneously.
- Noises, footsteps and tapping.
- Ghostly apparitions.
- Fluctuations in temperature,
and so on where the causes are of unknown nature.
As expected, the subject was always linked to questions of survival of the spirit after death, supernatural explanations, discarnate entities, malicious spirits, demonic, banshees, trolls, goblins, and, more contemporaneously, to subtle energies or forces undetectable psychic and equally unknown.
A fact less predictable was the eternal division of opinion among those who saw everything as a mere product of fantasy and superstition, and those who believe, defended the reality of the facts.
The only prudent and free from dogmatism was to try an approach to casuistry to define the field and, therefore, distinguish between illusion and reality, between fiction and truth.
The task was not easy, since it had only a legacy of myths and legends which, together with testimony tinged drama and supernatural beliefs, there were no more or less reliable the hundreds of stories that persisted over time.
The fact that they were isolated and rare cases also condemned to indifference, at least by those who were presumed to have an authoritative opinion. Similarly, the acculturation of the phenomenon had its weight. Here are some highlights concerning the eighteenth century, selected chronologically by Jose Luis Jordan Pena specialist: in Pfedelbach (Germany), 1703-1708; in Canvey Island (Great Britain), 10-16 September 1709 Dortmundo (Germany), May -June 1713; Groben (Germany), June 1718; Monte Argentario (Italy), 1725, Warsaw (Poland), 1731; Toulose (France), 1732; Schwartzbach (Saxony), July 1749-Smithfield London (United Britain), 1759-1762; Lanzo-Turin (Italy), 1762, Stockwell, Surrey (UK), January 1772; Down (Ireland), 1780 New Hackensack (USA), 1789. (Jordán Peña, 1982, p. 61).
THE METAPSIQUISTAS
It was not until the nineteenth century for a group of notables from different areas of science began to take an interest in matters of apparently inexplicable. By mid-century, the rise of spiritualist movement moved to the West with mediums psychic and physical effects that no one could ignore. The wonders that were recounted so great that today just might be overcome by special effects of Spielberg's films.
In this tide of extraordinary experiences I had to start swimming some twenty scientists of the time, finally called metapsiquistas, who in pursuit of a "keen observation" would try to investigate the nature of such presumptuous anomalies. The first impassable barrier-not always-they had to face was the fraud. The professionalism of the mediums in the art of deception is still admired by any professional magician. A spell of factors (drama, expectation, poor control, monitoring, conditioning to belief, lack of tricks, etc..) Buzzed over a remarkable, who had no other choice than castling hypothesis no less extraordinary and unprovable. This fabric was the basic assumptions support the formulation of theories explaining the topic at hand.
Beyond that major frauds metapsiquistas able to confirm, choose when trends are strictly divided between those convinced that the causes of such extraordinary effects were Spiritualists (Flammarion, Crawford, Lombroso, Myers, Geley, Bozzano, Aksakov) , and that, without close the doors to the afterlife, adhering to energy scenarios of psychic origin, and sometimes even voluntary action (Richet, James, Sckrenck-Notzing, Boirac, Morselli).
After the founding of the Society for Psychical Research (SPR) in London on February 20, 1882, begins the first attempt to systematically linking the popular casuistry ghosts and the main objective to provide evidence of telepathy. To that end, in 1883 a survey on "appearances", also known-as the Proceedings of the SPR, as the first Census of Hallucinations, whose design was approved a year earlier in Paris, at the Congress of Experimental Psychology. The census question was couched in these terms:
"Have you ever had when he thought he was fully awake, the intense impression of seeing a living being or an inanimate object, feeling his touch or hear a voice, without, as far as he could describe this impression was due to any external physical cause? "
The options were to answer "yes" or "no", and yielded 17,000 responses of which 15,316 were negative and 1684 positive.
Despite the scope of work and a thorough analysis (Gurney & Myers, 1886, Tyrrel, 1943), everything was reduced to a historical fact more probative value of zero for both telepathy and ghostly on issues, which criticism and self-criticism followed reasonable (Rhine, LE, 1975, p. 27-28). The appearances were interpreted as not objective facts but simply as visual hallucinations, auditory or sensory, involving telepathy.
"I have long felt that the biggest difference between the skeptic and the parapsychologist is a matter of expectation. The first does not consider the validation of the paranormal is imminent, the second depends on the event for their justification. In addition, the skeptic will invoke parsimony, the simplest explanation consistent with the facts, which avoids parapsychologist. Personally, I find much more reasonable when objects fly around a room in the vicinity of an unhappy 14-year-old distrust of the lack of information and observation before rejecting the basic laws of physics. "
James Randi, 1985.
There is a long tradition of stories and incidental observations suggest that, in principle, a series of events "strange" associated with a place and / or household characteristics, according to the course of years, have been interpreted in terms of beliefs. However, the historical development has not substantially affected the terminology and definitions, in many cases, even in its interpretive nature.
An extensive list can be included to describe, perhaps with some nuanced differences, which many have tried to present as haunted houses, spells, ghostly apparitions, infestations, Spiritist manifestations, poltergeists, etc.., Etc.
Basically, all references point to share disturbing the order auditory, visual and / or mechanical motor.
No less numerous are the list of strange events that, according to witnesses categorize cases:
- Movement (displacement and / or levitation) of small and large objects.
- Rupture of objects.
- Electrical disturbances.
- Spontaneous combustions.
- Rain of stones, gravel, etc..
- Appearance and disappearance of objects spontaneously.
- Noises, footsteps and tapping.
- Ghostly apparitions.
- Fluctuations in temperature,
and so on where the causes are of unknown nature.
As expected, the subject was always linked to questions of survival of the spirit after death, supernatural explanations, discarnate entities, malicious spirits, demonic, banshees, trolls, goblins, and, more contemporaneously, to subtle energies or forces undetectable psychic and equally unknown.
A fact less predictable was the eternal division of opinion among those who saw everything as a mere product of fantasy and superstition, and those who believe, defended the reality of the facts.
The only prudent and free from dogmatism was to try an approach to casuistry to define the field and, therefore, distinguish between illusion and reality, between fiction and truth.
The task was not easy, since it had only a legacy of myths and legends which, together with testimony tinged drama and supernatural beliefs, there were no more or less reliable the hundreds of stories that persisted over time.
The fact that they were isolated and rare cases also condemned to indifference, at least by those who were presumed to have an authoritative opinion. Similarly, the acculturation of the phenomenon had its weight. Here are some highlights concerning the eighteenth century, selected chronologically by Jose Luis Jordan Pena specialist: in Pfedelbach (Germany), 1703-1708; in Canvey Island (Great Britain), 10-16 September 1709 Dortmundo (Germany), May -June 1713; Groben (Germany), June 1718; Monte Argentario (Italy), 1725, Warsaw (Poland), 1731; Toulose (France), 1732; Schwartzbach (Saxony), July 1749-Smithfield London (United Britain), 1759-1762; Lanzo-Turin (Italy), 1762, Stockwell, Surrey (UK), January 1772; Down (Ireland), 1780 New Hackensack (USA), 1789. (Jordán Peña, 1982, p. 61).
THE METAPSIQUISTAS
It was not until the nineteenth century for a group of notables from different areas of science began to take an interest in matters of apparently inexplicable. By mid-century, the rise of spiritualist movement moved to the West with mediums psychic and physical effects that no one could ignore. The wonders that were recounted so great that today just might be overcome by special effects of Spielberg's films.
In this tide of extraordinary experiences I had to start swimming some twenty scientists of the time, finally called metapsiquistas, who in pursuit of a "keen observation" would try to investigate the nature of such presumptuous anomalies. The first impassable barrier-not always-they had to face was the fraud. The professionalism of the mediums in the art of deception is still admired by any professional magician. A spell of factors (drama, expectation, poor control, monitoring, conditioning to belief, lack of tricks, etc..) Buzzed over a remarkable, who had no other choice than castling hypothesis no less extraordinary and unprovable. This fabric was the basic assumptions support the formulation of theories explaining the topic at hand.
Beyond that major frauds metapsiquistas able to confirm, choose when trends are strictly divided between those convinced that the causes of such extraordinary effects were Spiritualists (Flammarion, Crawford, Lombroso, Myers, Geley, Bozzano, Aksakov) , and that, without close the doors to the afterlife, adhering to energy scenarios of psychic origin, and sometimes even voluntary action (Richet, James, Sckrenck-Notzing, Boirac, Morselli).
After the founding of the Society for Psychical Research (SPR) in London on February 20, 1882, begins the first attempt to systematically linking the popular casuistry ghosts and the main objective to provide evidence of telepathy. To that end, in 1883 a survey on "appearances", also known-as the Proceedings of the SPR, as the first Census of Hallucinations, whose design was approved a year earlier in Paris, at the Congress of Experimental Psychology. The census question was couched in these terms:
"Have you ever had when he thought he was fully awake, the intense impression of seeing a living being or an inanimate object, feeling his touch or hear a voice, without, as far as he could describe this impression was due to any external physical cause? "
The options were to answer "yes" or "no", and yielded 17,000 responses of which 15,316 were negative and 1684 positive.
Despite the scope of work and a thorough analysis (Gurney & Myers, 1886, Tyrrel, 1943), everything was reduced to a historical fact more probative value of zero for both telepathy and ghostly on issues, which criticism and self-criticism followed reasonable (Rhine, LE, 1975, p. 27-28). The appearances were interpreted as not objective facts but simply as visual hallucinations, auditory or sensory, involving telepathy.
Parapsychologists
Many arguments were raised about the different theories of interpretation of the time, but was emphatic that the new phase began from investigations of JB Rhine and his associates in the late 1920's in the legendary Duke University . In seeking to define the field of study and "burying" the period of incidental observations, it was decided to adopt a classification, bypassing the arbitrariness of legacy terms that would allow, terminologically speaking, identify the phenomena that were to be studied.
Abandoned the term metapsychic proposed in 1905 by Charles Richet, and adopted the Parapsychology (older but then disused), proposed by Max Dessoir in 1889.
Established a systematic general nomenclature remains today and is recognized internationally with the support of the only professional organization that brings together researchers in parapsychology, the Parapsychological Association, founded in 1957.
Under the general heading of Psi phenomena included extrasensory perception (ESP) in its three facets: Telepathy, Clairvoyance, Precognition, and Psychokinesis (PK) which is the direct action of mind over matter. Perhaps the latter term has been the boldest attempts in terms of differentiation is concerned, since so far it has been used to "telekinesis" (action at a distance) and Rhine's own words, he introduced the term PK because " was preferred as more accurate and free of any connotation clearly spiritualist. " On this point, you could add to the formal definition of PK, "is the direct influence a subject on a physical system without the intervention instrument or physical energy known or conceivable" (Rhine & Pratt, 1957). Then we will see how this new term proposed by Rhine was as or more risky than their predecessors.
While Rhine dismissed the previous investigation periods, mainly due to its limitations only exploratory, excessive emphasis on human testimony and the appalling conditions of experimentation, did not propose to return to square one with the spontaneous cases, recognizing the value of the anecdotes, but suggesting that a scientific experimenter "should leave the spontaneous cases of psychic phenomena, although exciting and dramatic character, and address a precise and systematic experimentation" (Rhine, JB, 1937, p. 21).
Thus, without further claim that being a more exploratory approach in parapsychology, but insufficient to provide evidence, and also is "impossible to make a crucial method of verification" (Rhine & Pratt, 1957, p. 40 ) - accepted the study and qualitative analysis of the cases.
Rhine's wife, Louisa, who was noted primarily for his work in the study and classification of spontaneous case reports. From 1948 decides to take over the collection and analysis of cases, according to his prejudice, may involve a process psi.
Although the analysis of Dr. Rhine can be and have been seriously questioned even within his own field (Weiner & Haight, 1983), either by subjectivity in the categorization and interpretation (Haigt, 1979), or issues deviations of the authenticity and suggestive to conclusive (Hart, 1957; Stevenson, 1970a and 1970b; West, 1970), in its ambiguity and often in his defense, had to admit that the spontaneous cases could never be a test of the existence of psi and that could only be a suggestion on how to proceed with investigations, and consequently, cases should be considered as "fact that people report" and not necessarily as "things that happen" (Rhine, JB, 1951).
Many arguments were raised about the different theories of interpretation of the time, but was emphatic that the new phase began from investigations of JB Rhine and his associates in the late 1920's in the legendary Duke University . In seeking to define the field of study and "burying" the period of incidental observations, it was decided to adopt a classification, bypassing the arbitrariness of legacy terms that would allow, terminologically speaking, identify the phenomena that were to be studied.
Abandoned the term metapsychic proposed in 1905 by Charles Richet, and adopted the Parapsychology (older but then disused), proposed by Max Dessoir in 1889.
Established a systematic general nomenclature remains today and is recognized internationally with the support of the only professional organization that brings together researchers in parapsychology, the Parapsychological Association, founded in 1957.
Under the general heading of Psi phenomena included extrasensory perception (ESP) in its three facets: Telepathy, Clairvoyance, Precognition, and Psychokinesis (PK) which is the direct action of mind over matter. Perhaps the latter term has been the boldest attempts in terms of differentiation is concerned, since so far it has been used to "telekinesis" (action at a distance) and Rhine's own words, he introduced the term PK because " was preferred as more accurate and free of any connotation clearly spiritualist. " On this point, you could add to the formal definition of PK, "is the direct influence a subject on a physical system without the intervention instrument or physical energy known or conceivable" (Rhine & Pratt, 1957). Then we will see how this new term proposed by Rhine was as or more risky than their predecessors.
While Rhine dismissed the previous investigation periods, mainly due to its limitations only exploratory, excessive emphasis on human testimony and the appalling conditions of experimentation, did not propose to return to square one with the spontaneous cases, recognizing the value of the anecdotes, but suggesting that a scientific experimenter "should leave the spontaneous cases of psychic phenomena, although exciting and dramatic character, and address a precise and systematic experimentation" (Rhine, JB, 1937, p. 21).
Thus, without further claim that being a more exploratory approach in parapsychology, but insufficient to provide evidence, and also is "impossible to make a crucial method of verification" (Rhine & Pratt, 1957, p. 40 ) - accepted the study and qualitative analysis of the cases.
Rhine's wife, Louisa, who was noted primarily for his work in the study and classification of spontaneous case reports. From 1948 decides to take over the collection and analysis of cases, according to his prejudice, may involve a process psi.
Although the analysis of Dr. Rhine can be and have been seriously questioned even within his own field (Weiner & Haight, 1983), either by subjectivity in the categorization and interpretation (Haigt, 1979), or issues deviations of the authenticity and suggestive to conclusive (Hart, 1957; Stevenson, 1970a and 1970b; West, 1970), in its ambiguity and often in his defense, had to admit that the spontaneous cases could never be a test of the existence of psi and that could only be a suggestion on how to proceed with investigations, and consequently, cases should be considered as "fact that people report" and not necessarily as "things that happen" (Rhine, JB, 1951).
TOWARDS A CLASSIFICATION
The remarkable thing is that the very Dr. Rhine, among its thousands of records, found at least suggestive of PK cases. With only 178 cases in 1963 decides the classification of Nonrecurring PK effects (associated with dying, dead and / or alive) and Recurrent Spontaneous PK (PKer, charms and poltergeists) (Rhine, LE, 1963).
The latter subdivision relocating to the fore the issue of the popular "haunted houses". The "original" approach, in addition to the classification, was that behind this could be a process involving psi-type PK and, according to the naive belief of Dr. Rhine, was enough scientific experimental evidence demonstrating the reality of PK . While the latter for her was an irrefutable fact (?) In regard to the former maintained a cautious and ambivalent. Consider an example when it comes to cases of pker:
"The kind of events that fall under this heading, phenomena of incantations and 'poltergeists' are another example of alleged events but never successfully validated, have been disseminated in nearly every age and culture. Generally, scientists have discarded superstitious nonsense considering them, even for Psychical Research Societies found in previous times, so frequent evidence of fraud, suggestion, or overflowing imagination, they were given very little relevance.
But with the discovery of the PK, we can adopt a different attitude. Now you can see that there is a likely core of truth in all these stories "(Rhine, LE, 1970, p. 260).
Also recognized face a paradox between what she considered laboratory findings were never obtained positive results in experiments on static objects PK, and in terms of historical research with so-called "physical mediums" his opinion, as will lapidary was that "has not been validated successfully either" (p. 271). Therefore, all his theorizing was pure inference based on questionable data and completely unrecognized to date. Moreover, the experiments currently understand evidence of PK are virtually ignored by parapsychologists themselves when trying to present evidence "scientific" PK.
While his classification did not differ substantially from the previous author, finally left the PKer divided into spells and poltergeists. The first would be characterized by strictly be associated to a particular location and experience would be preferred visual and auditory, difficult line between reality and hallucination, and lasting sometimes lasts for years.
Instead poltergeists (German Polter: fuss, and Geist, spirit) or "mischievous spirits" expression maintained for many years, even as Owen points out, it was customary in Germany at the time of the Reformation, having been used by Luther to describe a type of demon fun and noisy (Owen, 1964) - are characterized by their short duration with motor manifestations whose epicenter would be a person, and, according to the general pattern of cases, a teen or pre-teen.
MODEL
Perhaps the springboard for the final incorporation of the PKer as a phenomenon of field research in modern parapsychology, has been a report of two parapsychologists Parapsychology Laboratory at Duke (Pratt & Roll, 1958).
This report, known in parapsychological literature as the "case Seaford" (Long Island City, USA), was of dual importance: first, the investigation included two professional parapsychologists, and renowned special-J. G. Pratt, considered together with J. B. Rhine, one of the pioneers of modern parapsychology, both from the Parapsychology Laboratory of the world's largest at that time, on the other hand, it was the first report on the subject published in the most prestigious field of parapsychology, the Journal of Parapsychology.
A doubly important that I would add another important factor in conflict, that is precisely how the report of Pratt & Roll prototype marked the resolution of poltergeist cases to date. In other words, a constant was marked in the sequence of significant events with only some slight variations, in the formal (initiation, development, completion and interpretation) would be characteristic of them.
The remarkable thing is that the very Dr. Rhine, among its thousands of records, found at least suggestive of PK cases. With only 178 cases in 1963 decides the classification of Nonrecurring PK effects (associated with dying, dead and / or alive) and Recurrent Spontaneous PK (PKer, charms and poltergeists) (Rhine, LE, 1963).
The latter subdivision relocating to the fore the issue of the popular "haunted houses". The "original" approach, in addition to the classification, was that behind this could be a process involving psi-type PK and, according to the naive belief of Dr. Rhine, was enough scientific experimental evidence demonstrating the reality of PK . While the latter for her was an irrefutable fact (?) In regard to the former maintained a cautious and ambivalent. Consider an example when it comes to cases of pker:
"The kind of events that fall under this heading, phenomena of incantations and 'poltergeists' are another example of alleged events but never successfully validated, have been disseminated in nearly every age and culture. Generally, scientists have discarded superstitious nonsense considering them, even for Psychical Research Societies found in previous times, so frequent evidence of fraud, suggestion, or overflowing imagination, they were given very little relevance.
But with the discovery of the PK, we can adopt a different attitude. Now you can see that there is a likely core of truth in all these stories "(Rhine, LE, 1970, p. 260).
Also recognized face a paradox between what she considered laboratory findings were never obtained positive results in experiments on static objects PK, and in terms of historical research with so-called "physical mediums" his opinion, as will lapidary was that "has not been validated successfully either" (p. 271). Therefore, all his theorizing was pure inference based on questionable data and completely unrecognized to date. Moreover, the experiments currently understand evidence of PK are virtually ignored by parapsychologists themselves when trying to present evidence "scientific" PK.
While his classification did not differ substantially from the previous author, finally left the PKer divided into spells and poltergeists. The first would be characterized by strictly be associated to a particular location and experience would be preferred visual and auditory, difficult line between reality and hallucination, and lasting sometimes lasts for years.
Instead poltergeists (German Polter: fuss, and Geist, spirit) or "mischievous spirits" expression maintained for many years, even as Owen points out, it was customary in Germany at the time of the Reformation, having been used by Luther to describe a type of demon fun and noisy (Owen, 1964) - are characterized by their short duration with motor manifestations whose epicenter would be a person, and, according to the general pattern of cases, a teen or pre-teen.
MODEL
Perhaps the springboard for the final incorporation of the PKer as a phenomenon of field research in modern parapsychology, has been a report of two parapsychologists Parapsychology Laboratory at Duke (Pratt & Roll, 1958).
This report, known in parapsychological literature as the "case Seaford" (Long Island City, USA), was of dual importance: first, the investigation included two professional parapsychologists, and renowned special-J. G. Pratt, considered together with J. B. Rhine, one of the pioneers of modern parapsychology, both from the Parapsychology Laboratory of the world's largest at that time, on the other hand, it was the first report on the subject published in the most prestigious field of parapsychology, the Journal of Parapsychology.
A doubly important that I would add another important factor in conflict, that is precisely how the report of Pratt & Roll prototype marked the resolution of poltergeist cases to date. In other words, a constant was marked in the sequence of significant events with only some slight variations, in the formal (initiation, development, completion and interpretation) would be characteristic of them.
Let us schematically the "case Seaford"
Family of Hermann marriage and a daughter and son of 13 and 12 years respectively.
Begin physical disturbance (movement and breakage of objects, sounds, uncover the jars and bottles) and a few days is given to the police.
The alleged phenomena are reduced almost to extinction, leaving to the police as the only element "test" the testimony of the inhabitants of the house or an isolated incident, uncontrolled and without direct observation.
The case takes advertising through journalism, predominating the notes and some sensational than the opposite opinion.
Popular commotion.
Speakers parapsychologists. Phenomena almost disappear and the search is based primarily on the testimony of others rather than direct observations in well-controlled conditions.
Discrepancies are discovered between the testimonials.
When there is a disturbance in the presence of parapsychologists no direct observation and / or control of the situation.
Whenever reported a disturbance was present for the 12 years and incidences usually occurred in their vicinity.
Is considering the hypothesis of fraud but quickly dismissed.
They look for physical reasons but not convincing.
Religious connotations are logged on suspicion spirit's beliefs and / or demonic.
Conjectures psychological disturbances in one or more family members.
If not resolved conclusively but lends weight to the hypothesis parapsychological without presenting satisfactory evidence to support this inference.
In short, these are the basic characteristics of the "model poltergeist" for so many years and still continue to be reported. For reasons discussed below, the character of "inconclusive" wielded by parapsychologists "more cautious" need not be a paranormal interpretation. Obviously, those cases have been resolved satisfactorily (ie those in which normal causes was found to explain the phenomena) are precisely those that make it even less convincing the possibility of so-called parapsychological poltergeists.
VALIDITY OF TESTIMONY
In cases of poltergeist the role of witnesses has always been crucial. Therefore, it is extremely important to be clear about some basic issues, but should be "legal tender" when analyzing these cases show that the exception is a rule.
The biggest mistake and frequently overestimate the veracity of human testimony. If we stick only to the extensive information in criminology, psychology, experimental and / or social, our doubts and would not be an isolated event. If we appeal simply common sense to situations that we face in everyday life is also not so imprudent suspect or give low credibility to share everything we have.
Nor will anyone who argues airy with the popular saying "seeing is believing". In 1950, the French specialist in the study of lies, Guy Durandin, in his work Les Rumeurs, summed up his conclusions on the validity of testimony in the following terms (Kapferer, 1989, p. 40-41):
A completely accurate testimony is exceptional.
The witnesses give false information as surely giving accurate information, without thereby deliberately lying.
Stated by a witness at times reflects their mental stereotypes that the reality of what has actually seen.
Therefore, if there is a coincidence of several witnesses, that is not necessarily an index of the truthfulness of the statements. It may mean that several people share the same stereotypes and mental clichés themselves have perceived the events in the same way and yet, wrong.
Conclusive but insufficient. Let us examine the basis for such categorical statements.
The experiences with students or lecturers are a classic of psychological literature. Suddenly, the experimental subjects are invaded your peace of mind by circumstantial arrival on the scene of a character who causes an incident in the room and, a posteriori, the investigator requested a detailed report of the situation, either by questionnaire or story free. The records have always shown, despite the short time elapsed between the event and the statement that the qualified audience in the most unthinkable incurs errors of description, either by altering, omitting, or adding missing details.
The first systematic studies dating from the beginning of the century with the work of Alfred Binet precursors and William Stern with "pictorial test." These are displayed in the drawing of a scene which then should be described in the most faithful possible.
A Stern caught at the idea of incorporating experiments vivid scenes. In his various experiments, the most interesting is that between the two modes of collecting reports of the observers (free account and questionnaire), observed in the latter the influence they can exercise them questions about the interrogation. Considering the increase of alterations that occur in the accounts with the passage of time, the "gaps mnemonic" tend to be filled in accordance with the requirement of accuracy and detail are no longer remembered following the thread of suggestion or suggestive questions arises, resulting in a rearrangement in the response and a consequent deformation aggravated (Stern, 1902, 1938).
This finding is of paramount importance and should be well considered when analyzing the poltergeist cases. Let's not forget that parapsychologists and journalists, who play a substantial role, mainly base their information on the questioning of witnesses. The expectation of both, perhaps for different purposes, are crucial when asking wing. In the absence of details, which the respondent, for logical reasons, can not give-what suggestive question may determine the response bias.
Family of Hermann marriage and a daughter and son of 13 and 12 years respectively.
Begin physical disturbance (movement and breakage of objects, sounds, uncover the jars and bottles) and a few days is given to the police.
The alleged phenomena are reduced almost to extinction, leaving to the police as the only element "test" the testimony of the inhabitants of the house or an isolated incident, uncontrolled and without direct observation.
The case takes advertising through journalism, predominating the notes and some sensational than the opposite opinion.
Popular commotion.
Speakers parapsychologists. Phenomena almost disappear and the search is based primarily on the testimony of others rather than direct observations in well-controlled conditions.
Discrepancies are discovered between the testimonials.
When there is a disturbance in the presence of parapsychologists no direct observation and / or control of the situation.
Whenever reported a disturbance was present for the 12 years and incidences usually occurred in their vicinity.
Is considering the hypothesis of fraud but quickly dismissed.
They look for physical reasons but not convincing.
Religious connotations are logged on suspicion spirit's beliefs and / or demonic.
Conjectures psychological disturbances in one or more family members.
If not resolved conclusively but lends weight to the hypothesis parapsychological without presenting satisfactory evidence to support this inference.
In short, these are the basic characteristics of the "model poltergeist" for so many years and still continue to be reported. For reasons discussed below, the character of "inconclusive" wielded by parapsychologists "more cautious" need not be a paranormal interpretation. Obviously, those cases have been resolved satisfactorily (ie those in which normal causes was found to explain the phenomena) are precisely those that make it even less convincing the possibility of so-called parapsychological poltergeists.
VALIDITY OF TESTIMONY
In cases of poltergeist the role of witnesses has always been crucial. Therefore, it is extremely important to be clear about some basic issues, but should be "legal tender" when analyzing these cases show that the exception is a rule.
The biggest mistake and frequently overestimate the veracity of human testimony. If we stick only to the extensive information in criminology, psychology, experimental and / or social, our doubts and would not be an isolated event. If we appeal simply common sense to situations that we face in everyday life is also not so imprudent suspect or give low credibility to share everything we have.
Nor will anyone who argues airy with the popular saying "seeing is believing". In 1950, the French specialist in the study of lies, Guy Durandin, in his work Les Rumeurs, summed up his conclusions on the validity of testimony in the following terms (Kapferer, 1989, p. 40-41):
A completely accurate testimony is exceptional.
The witnesses give false information as surely giving accurate information, without thereby deliberately lying.
Stated by a witness at times reflects their mental stereotypes that the reality of what has actually seen.
Therefore, if there is a coincidence of several witnesses, that is not necessarily an index of the truthfulness of the statements. It may mean that several people share the same stereotypes and mental clichés themselves have perceived the events in the same way and yet, wrong.
Conclusive but insufficient. Let us examine the basis for such categorical statements.
The experiences with students or lecturers are a classic of psychological literature. Suddenly, the experimental subjects are invaded your peace of mind by circumstantial arrival on the scene of a character who causes an incident in the room and, a posteriori, the investigator requested a detailed report of the situation, either by questionnaire or story free. The records have always shown, despite the short time elapsed between the event and the statement that the qualified audience in the most unthinkable incurs errors of description, either by altering, omitting, or adding missing details.
The first systematic studies dating from the beginning of the century with the work of Alfred Binet precursors and William Stern with "pictorial test." These are displayed in the drawing of a scene which then should be described in the most faithful possible.
A Stern caught at the idea of incorporating experiments vivid scenes. In his various experiments, the most interesting is that between the two modes of collecting reports of the observers (free account and questionnaire), observed in the latter the influence they can exercise them questions about the interrogation. Considering the increase of alterations that occur in the accounts with the passage of time, the "gaps mnemonic" tend to be filled in accordance with the requirement of accuracy and detail are no longer remembered following the thread of suggestion or suggestive questions arises, resulting in a rearrangement in the response and a consequent deformation aggravated (Stern, 1902, 1938).
This finding is of paramount importance and should be well considered when analyzing the poltergeist cases. Let's not forget that parapsychologists and journalists, who play a substantial role, mainly base their information on the questioning of witnesses. The expectation of both, perhaps for different purposes, are crucial when asking wing. In the absence of details, which the respondent, for logical reasons, can not give-what suggestive question may determine the response bias.
Consider a concrete example in the 'case Madariaga,' which I had to investigate. During the interrogation, which I did with the journalist who accompanied me, to one that was more concerning journalism for his testimony the case, Mrs. Susy Lopez, when asked in detail about his observation of "paranormal flight" of a mop, described the episode simply saying that came flying and landed near her, what the journalist says, in the affirmative, interrogative, "like a carpet" (?). Questioned immediately settles and the flight of an object is no longer a transfer through the air to become a mop that "flew", "planned" and "flew like a carpet." This also appears in later interviews.
As we shall see, this may seem trivial becomes important. Not the same object flying through the air, which is unknown point, as I confirmed in my investigation, making it impossible to affirm or deny the witness that may be thrown by someone-who say that this plan or flies, suggesting an unusual suspension in the air for a time greater than that of a normal fall.
Considering the frequent gaps in the temporo-spatial organization, it is not unusual for a person defaces an oral report where the memory interjuegan incomplete and the limit of vocabulary. In Stern's research, individual differences (intelligence, age, verbal habits) played a strong role in the distortion of the report. Even with respect to age, their findings identified changes in the German procedural law, since the virtual trust they had in the stories of children was not consistent with the findings of inaccuracy, suggestibility, easily influenced and denoting their testimony.
COGNITIVE PROCESSES
Obviously, the dynamics of the processes of attention, perception and memory are key to the complex construction of the testimony. As ever said the pioneers in investigating the rumor, Gordon Allport and Leo Postman, in a non-strict sequential order, the psychological steps which structure the witness are three: perceiving, remembering and reporting. As you say, "as this complex process unfolds, proceeding from the initial perception of the final story, many changes occur suggestive as they inextricably interwoven original sense impressions, previous and moods" (Allport & Postman, 1947). If we take care (from Latin ad tendere, to tend to) as the starting point of that psychophysical process is broader than the perception, we will see in the process of targeting a number of factors ranging (motivations, interests, expectations, rules) that will that the selective nature of the information is inherent in every individual or the "activity of the subject (internal field structure)" (Luria, 1979).
Recall that in the testimony of poltergeist cases are predominantly indirect observations, or, which is, that the focus is dispersed when presented with external stimuli (visual or auditory). When attention is diffused over a large area of field of view, there is one rather accurate perception (Grindley, 1931). Accordingly, starts to play its role reaction time will be the time required to start the response. In this case, the displacement of the attention will be subject to various causes of variation, depending on the intensity and type of stimulus, prior arrangement, age and health of the control, etc..
Given the sudden nature of the phenomena described (falling and moving objects, noise), the time involved in shifting attention, certainly suggests-rather than a cause-determinism of the story of an effect. According to some studies have shown, for transferring the attention either a visual field to another or from one visual stimulus to an ear, or a fact to another in a different perception, it is necessary an average interval of about one fifth of second (Mager, 1925; Poulton, 1950). And in the case where a subject begins to traverse the visual field, the eyes, only after an interval of 0.15 seconds, may approach it without difficulty as long as the movement of the object does not exceed 30 ° arc seconds ( Miller, 1959).
If we add the fact that the witness is not known in advance what will happen, uncertainty in the trial will be higher (Lawrence & Laberge, 1956; Henneman, 1957; Wyatt & Campbell, 1951). But what happens once the case has been announced as poltergeist? It is assumed that observers have an expectation about it. If you stick to managed care research in which subjects were instructed beforehand with some expectation of the objective which will be presented, we perceive it more quickly and accurately than when no prior instruction (Chapman, 1932). But also with the same basis, and describes it as Vernon (p. 170-171): "There are other cases where, by directing attention to the perception of some form or object, the observer sees then that expected to perceive and not what really shows. That preparation of care may be due to instructions received, or what the viewer is accustomed to seeing in these circumstances, and therefore expect to see in the present case "[...]" This effect may occur even if instructions have been given apart from any deliberate intention of the observer "(Vernon, 1967).
As stated at the beginning of this work, this is of great importance from the time when there is a consensus or at least a stereotype of what would be a poltergeist, which has been reported countless times in magazines, books, movies and news articles and even, there is experimental support more than suggestive that also describes the author (p.171):
"In another experiment, we asked observers to read the story of a feud between two families, with a reconciliation related to the engagement of the son of a family with the daughter of the other, and a wedding feast marking the uneasy truce . Three days later they were shown some pictures, including 'The wedding village' by Peter Brueghel. They were asked to select among those describing an incident of the story and all chose 'The wedding village'. On another occasion they were asked to recall the table and excelled in their memories the traits linked to the story, and sometimes introduced elements that were not in the picture, but in the story. In particular, attributed to the picture the atmosphere of tension that characterized the story. But another group of observers who saw the picture without reading the story in question, it felt just like a scene of relaxation and joy. "(Davis & Sinha, 1950).
Could go on experiments that confirm the tendency to overlook certain parts of the field of view when you have to tote a tour to perceive something that could appear anywhere (Enoch, 1959, Ford & et al., 1959; Shakel, 1960) , or the inability to perceive in a strictly simultaneous visual stimulus and an auditory (Mowbray, 1954, Humphrey et al., 1955, Smith & Henriksson, 1955), or the role of fatigue, distraction saturation (Bartlett, 1943 ; Mackworth, 1950).
How many times have reported the persistence of parapsychologists in the scene for days without any abnormality present, and suddenly, an isolated incident breaks the monotony when the level of monitoring or alert the body is already in last stop. In this regard, Bartlett's experiments were decisive. The subjects who participated in the experience, even though the altered response of fatigue, never warned the decline in performance. On the contrary, believed that their responses were adequate and that the errors were the result of their actions.
To this we add the demonstrated influences exerted mutually people of one social group or relationship with the inhabitants of the place, you will definitely enjoy the utmost sympathy parapsychologists, as are the potential players who eventually confirmed his theories.
MEMORY
However, in the attempt to apprehend reality through the process of perception that, as we saw, can be affected by various factors, when to move permanently to the report testimonial, it must overcome a barrier even more difficult, which is the memory of perceived.
Not only the time between an incident and his narrative can contribute to alter the memory but an attitude or predisposition favorable to the paranormal will also contribute significantly. Based on laboratory studies, intervals of 30 minutes or less, even, may be critical for memory in this type of complex events (Hall, McFeaters & Loftus, 1987).
Take an example to see how the belief in the paranormal can cause infection, the case is taken from the very archives of the SPR, and was cited by Dr. West in his "Psychical Research Today" (1954):
"Sir Edmund Horney, chief justice of the supreme court consular in the Far East, told the story of a journalist who came to his house at midnight to collect a judgment handed down yesterday. Although annoyed by the interruption, Sir Edmund yielded to the insistent urging of man in order to avoid a scene that would upset his wife, but Horney lady awoke, and told her husband what had happened. In the morning, Sir Edmund received the news that the journalist had died that night. "
I dare not sketch the cluster of theories that could be proposed parapsychologists about it. Simply go to reality. When a Mr. Balfour, who lives in China, he learns of this case, send a letter stating that "there were no trials the day before the death of journalist and Sir Edmund had been married three months after the said event." The judge then had to admit that he had failed the memory (?). (Jahoda, 1976, p. 58-59).
Considering that the testimony basically the information received after the expiry of a period (hours, days, months or years) from the storage process (acquisition, retention) to the perceived recovery, this would be what is called "memory long-term "(MLP).
We know that his "counterpart", the immediate or short-term memory (MI) is characterized by its small and limited storage capacity, amplitude and duration, and is extremely susceptible to interference (Miller, 1956; Peterson & Peterson, 1959 .) Once information has been transferred to the MLP, it will be recorded and stored recovery will depend on multiple factors and only a small inaccuracy in the search process in the system produce identification keys consideration Memory impairment (Pinillos, 1975).
The pioneering work of Bartlett on mnemonic distortions-a classic of psychological literature, not only exceeded the barrier of time and scientific advances, but even its conclusions remain in full force:
When an acquisition is reviewed on a regular, develops a process of simplification and omission of details of events or structures, which transforms the learning likening it to family events or objects. If memories are distant, can be made so that what is already largely taken as a reflection invention that really was or happened.
When details of a memory fit the previous interests of the subject, just collect an entity that did not have. Through the influence of successive recollections of rationalization or justification mechanism is increased so that the memory is gaining a figure increasingly satisfying and congruent with the interests of the subject.
There would be a latent deformation process, which occurs only after several weeks or months of production from the fact remembered. (Bartlett, 1932)
As we shall see, this may seem trivial becomes important. Not the same object flying through the air, which is unknown point, as I confirmed in my investigation, making it impossible to affirm or deny the witness that may be thrown by someone-who say that this plan or flies, suggesting an unusual suspension in the air for a time greater than that of a normal fall.
Considering the frequent gaps in the temporo-spatial organization, it is not unusual for a person defaces an oral report where the memory interjuegan incomplete and the limit of vocabulary. In Stern's research, individual differences (intelligence, age, verbal habits) played a strong role in the distortion of the report. Even with respect to age, their findings identified changes in the German procedural law, since the virtual trust they had in the stories of children was not consistent with the findings of inaccuracy, suggestibility, easily influenced and denoting their testimony.
COGNITIVE PROCESSES
Obviously, the dynamics of the processes of attention, perception and memory are key to the complex construction of the testimony. As ever said the pioneers in investigating the rumor, Gordon Allport and Leo Postman, in a non-strict sequential order, the psychological steps which structure the witness are three: perceiving, remembering and reporting. As you say, "as this complex process unfolds, proceeding from the initial perception of the final story, many changes occur suggestive as they inextricably interwoven original sense impressions, previous and moods" (Allport & Postman, 1947). If we take care (from Latin ad tendere, to tend to) as the starting point of that psychophysical process is broader than the perception, we will see in the process of targeting a number of factors ranging (motivations, interests, expectations, rules) that will that the selective nature of the information is inherent in every individual or the "activity of the subject (internal field structure)" (Luria, 1979).
Recall that in the testimony of poltergeist cases are predominantly indirect observations, or, which is, that the focus is dispersed when presented with external stimuli (visual or auditory). When attention is diffused over a large area of field of view, there is one rather accurate perception (Grindley, 1931). Accordingly, starts to play its role reaction time will be the time required to start the response. In this case, the displacement of the attention will be subject to various causes of variation, depending on the intensity and type of stimulus, prior arrangement, age and health of the control, etc..
Given the sudden nature of the phenomena described (falling and moving objects, noise), the time involved in shifting attention, certainly suggests-rather than a cause-determinism of the story of an effect. According to some studies have shown, for transferring the attention either a visual field to another or from one visual stimulus to an ear, or a fact to another in a different perception, it is necessary an average interval of about one fifth of second (Mager, 1925; Poulton, 1950). And in the case where a subject begins to traverse the visual field, the eyes, only after an interval of 0.15 seconds, may approach it without difficulty as long as the movement of the object does not exceed 30 ° arc seconds ( Miller, 1959).
If we add the fact that the witness is not known in advance what will happen, uncertainty in the trial will be higher (Lawrence & Laberge, 1956; Henneman, 1957; Wyatt & Campbell, 1951). But what happens once the case has been announced as poltergeist? It is assumed that observers have an expectation about it. If you stick to managed care research in which subjects were instructed beforehand with some expectation of the objective which will be presented, we perceive it more quickly and accurately than when no prior instruction (Chapman, 1932). But also with the same basis, and describes it as Vernon (p. 170-171): "There are other cases where, by directing attention to the perception of some form or object, the observer sees then that expected to perceive and not what really shows. That preparation of care may be due to instructions received, or what the viewer is accustomed to seeing in these circumstances, and therefore expect to see in the present case "[...]" This effect may occur even if instructions have been given apart from any deliberate intention of the observer "(Vernon, 1967).
As stated at the beginning of this work, this is of great importance from the time when there is a consensus or at least a stereotype of what would be a poltergeist, which has been reported countless times in magazines, books, movies and news articles and even, there is experimental support more than suggestive that also describes the author (p.171):
"In another experiment, we asked observers to read the story of a feud between two families, with a reconciliation related to the engagement of the son of a family with the daughter of the other, and a wedding feast marking the uneasy truce . Three days later they were shown some pictures, including 'The wedding village' by Peter Brueghel. They were asked to select among those describing an incident of the story and all chose 'The wedding village'. On another occasion they were asked to recall the table and excelled in their memories the traits linked to the story, and sometimes introduced elements that were not in the picture, but in the story. In particular, attributed to the picture the atmosphere of tension that characterized the story. But another group of observers who saw the picture without reading the story in question, it felt just like a scene of relaxation and joy. "(Davis & Sinha, 1950).
Could go on experiments that confirm the tendency to overlook certain parts of the field of view when you have to tote a tour to perceive something that could appear anywhere (Enoch, 1959, Ford & et al., 1959; Shakel, 1960) , or the inability to perceive in a strictly simultaneous visual stimulus and an auditory (Mowbray, 1954, Humphrey et al., 1955, Smith & Henriksson, 1955), or the role of fatigue, distraction saturation (Bartlett, 1943 ; Mackworth, 1950).
How many times have reported the persistence of parapsychologists in the scene for days without any abnormality present, and suddenly, an isolated incident breaks the monotony when the level of monitoring or alert the body is already in last stop. In this regard, Bartlett's experiments were decisive. The subjects who participated in the experience, even though the altered response of fatigue, never warned the decline in performance. On the contrary, believed that their responses were adequate and that the errors were the result of their actions.
To this we add the demonstrated influences exerted mutually people of one social group or relationship with the inhabitants of the place, you will definitely enjoy the utmost sympathy parapsychologists, as are the potential players who eventually confirmed his theories.
MEMORY
However, in the attempt to apprehend reality through the process of perception that, as we saw, can be affected by various factors, when to move permanently to the report testimonial, it must overcome a barrier even more difficult, which is the memory of perceived.
Not only the time between an incident and his narrative can contribute to alter the memory but an attitude or predisposition favorable to the paranormal will also contribute significantly. Based on laboratory studies, intervals of 30 minutes or less, even, may be critical for memory in this type of complex events (Hall, McFeaters & Loftus, 1987).
Take an example to see how the belief in the paranormal can cause infection, the case is taken from the very archives of the SPR, and was cited by Dr. West in his "Psychical Research Today" (1954):
"Sir Edmund Horney, chief justice of the supreme court consular in the Far East, told the story of a journalist who came to his house at midnight to collect a judgment handed down yesterday. Although annoyed by the interruption, Sir Edmund yielded to the insistent urging of man in order to avoid a scene that would upset his wife, but Horney lady awoke, and told her husband what had happened. In the morning, Sir Edmund received the news that the journalist had died that night. "
I dare not sketch the cluster of theories that could be proposed parapsychologists about it. Simply go to reality. When a Mr. Balfour, who lives in China, he learns of this case, send a letter stating that "there were no trials the day before the death of journalist and Sir Edmund had been married three months after the said event." The judge then had to admit that he had failed the memory (?). (Jahoda, 1976, p. 58-59).
Considering that the testimony basically the information received after the expiry of a period (hours, days, months or years) from the storage process (acquisition, retention) to the perceived recovery, this would be what is called "memory long-term "(MLP).
We know that his "counterpart", the immediate or short-term memory (MI) is characterized by its small and limited storage capacity, amplitude and duration, and is extremely susceptible to interference (Miller, 1956; Peterson & Peterson, 1959 .) Once information has been transferred to the MLP, it will be recorded and stored recovery will depend on multiple factors and only a small inaccuracy in the search process in the system produce identification keys consideration Memory impairment (Pinillos, 1975).
The pioneering work of Bartlett on mnemonic distortions-a classic of psychological literature, not only exceeded the barrier of time and scientific advances, but even its conclusions remain in full force:
When an acquisition is reviewed on a regular, develops a process of simplification and omission of details of events or structures, which transforms the learning likening it to family events or objects. If memories are distant, can be made so that what is already largely taken as a reflection invention that really was or happened.
When details of a memory fit the previous interests of the subject, just collect an entity that did not have. Through the influence of successive recollections of rationalization or justification mechanism is increased so that the memory is gaining a figure increasingly satisfying and congruent with the interests of the subject.
There would be a latent deformation process, which occurs only after several weeks or months of production from the fact remembered. (Bartlett, 1932)
CASE IS MORE RELIABLE THE WITNESS parapsychologists?
Definitely not. And in some cases even less than that of any other observer unaware of these issues. The expectation of parapsychologist is certainly very different from another person, that assumes that psychic phenomena are a scientifically proven fact. So strange incident surprised him quite the contrary, is the "test" that was always waiting and you need to continue to support their belief. His thought is: What is the need to distrust the existence of these phenomena if after all is a fact feasible and fit my theories?. His "objectivity" is more than contaminated fantastic literature which has always nurtured and, therefore, bias is inevitable.
Definitely not. And in some cases even less than that of any other observer unaware of these issues. The expectation of parapsychologist is certainly very different from another person, that assumes that psychic phenomena are a scientifically proven fact. So strange incident surprised him quite the contrary, is the "test" that was always waiting and you need to continue to support their belief. His thought is: What is the need to distrust the existence of these phenomena if after all is a fact feasible and fit my theories?. His "objectivity" is more than contaminated fantastic literature which has always nurtured and, therefore, bias is inevitable.
Some are a little more honest. As the British parapsychologist Anita Gregory who, with colleague John Beloff, investigated in the case known as Enfield poltergeist, London, has recognized that particularly in cases PKer "is impossible, even if this were desirable, to maintain a neutral impersonal" . Despite this criticism, suddenly collapses and gives a good example of his personal responsibility to draw the necessary conclusions "Enfield" (Gregory, 1982).
But also at stake their experience and knowledge of so many cases resolved that, ultimately, totally different from their theories. But, in inconclusive cases in which fraud was not detected or natural causes to explain the incident, the parapsychologist will bravely turning to false and remanidos post hoc analysis, saying that while there is no evidence, based on what we know it is very possible that this is a typical case of PKer. And in that hypothetical case where disturbances have been reported with ten and nine of them have been satisfactorily explained without resorting to the paranormal, the only doubtful case or not fully resolved, it will be enough to throw away all laws and well-established scientific knowledge and cling to their belief in parapsychology.
Among the pseudo is often incurred in such fallacies, are the 'post hoc, ergo' propter hoc (after this, then because of this) or "fallacy of accidental correction", or so-called fallacies' ad ignorantiam '. That stands on insufficient data with incorrect inductive arguments of false cause, and the second is characterized by claiming that if something is unknown or the falsity of which has not been proven, therefore it is true.
It is understandable and predictable to happen and, although there are some exceptions, there is enough evidence on how many parapsychologists are parapsychological phenomena where none exist. Most damning evidence is even when the criticism comes from their own area. The last pearl-and very heavy caliber, is the one that registered the Journal of the American Society for Psychical Research (Hansen, 1990). This article put into question the attitude, fitness, reports and findings of famous psychics include: Pratt, Roll, Kelly, Rogo, Osis, Kanthamani, Eisenbud, Stewart, Baumann, Keil, Herbert, Ullman, Hasted, Gregory, Haraldsson, Schwarz, Fahler, Berendt, Taylor, Warren, Phillips, Don. No doubt the list could have been tripled and even add some other notables such as Hans Bender, John Beloff and even the marriage Rhine, who once thought they had found a mare telepathy (Rhine, 1929; Rhine & Rhine, 1929). And if they are modern parapsychologists have added the no less remarkable metapsiquistas, with absolute certainty is not stone cold.
In this connection, there is a very enlightening comment that belongs to an interview with the great illusionist and historian of magic, Milbourne Christopher. Account in the interview that he once visited him at his apartment parapsychologist J. G. Pratt and his wife. The meeting took place during the course of the famous poltergeist Sea ford. Christopher, who was already aware of the events in Sea-ford, prepared especially for the occasion the same effects and some more dramatic than those reported in the Herrmann family home. Obviously, Pratt knew he was facing a professional magician and critic of the paranormal, so at no time thought there was some poltergeist phenomena happening. But neither could explain, despite having reviewed the department, how these wonders were taking place. And as we reflect Christopher, "if he could not explain what happened here, which essentially is what happened at home in Seaford, sought to explain why what happened there?" (Dennett, 1984-85).
The answer is given, again, psychology. To summarize, let us say Vernon (pp. 206-208) to analyze four experimental work on motivation and perception (Levine & et al., 1942, Lazarus & et al., 1953; Wispe & Drambarean, 1953, Postman & Crutchfield, 1952 .)
"Delusional perceptions are produced, usually only in situations in which the observer will perceive clearly difficult, and where necessary, therefore, rests on a greater or lesser extent in imagination is more likely that the individual with a perceived need something that would suit you if considered likely to appear. If the perceptual situation is defined, for a while can imagine perceiving something suitable to quench your need, but will do so after a prolonged frustration. "
But also at stake their experience and knowledge of so many cases resolved that, ultimately, totally different from their theories. But, in inconclusive cases in which fraud was not detected or natural causes to explain the incident, the parapsychologist will bravely turning to false and remanidos post hoc analysis, saying that while there is no evidence, based on what we know it is very possible that this is a typical case of PKer. And in that hypothetical case where disturbances have been reported with ten and nine of them have been satisfactorily explained without resorting to the paranormal, the only doubtful case or not fully resolved, it will be enough to throw away all laws and well-established scientific knowledge and cling to their belief in parapsychology.
Among the pseudo is often incurred in such fallacies, are the 'post hoc, ergo' propter hoc (after this, then because of this) or "fallacy of accidental correction", or so-called fallacies' ad ignorantiam '. That stands on insufficient data with incorrect inductive arguments of false cause, and the second is characterized by claiming that if something is unknown or the falsity of which has not been proven, therefore it is true.
It is understandable and predictable to happen and, although there are some exceptions, there is enough evidence on how many parapsychologists are parapsychological phenomena where none exist. Most damning evidence is even when the criticism comes from their own area. The last pearl-and very heavy caliber, is the one that registered the Journal of the American Society for Psychical Research (Hansen, 1990). This article put into question the attitude, fitness, reports and findings of famous psychics include: Pratt, Roll, Kelly, Rogo, Osis, Kanthamani, Eisenbud, Stewart, Baumann, Keil, Herbert, Ullman, Hasted, Gregory, Haraldsson, Schwarz, Fahler, Berendt, Taylor, Warren, Phillips, Don. No doubt the list could have been tripled and even add some other notables such as Hans Bender, John Beloff and even the marriage Rhine, who once thought they had found a mare telepathy (Rhine, 1929; Rhine & Rhine, 1929). And if they are modern parapsychologists have added the no less remarkable metapsiquistas, with absolute certainty is not stone cold.
In this connection, there is a very enlightening comment that belongs to an interview with the great illusionist and historian of magic, Milbourne Christopher. Account in the interview that he once visited him at his apartment parapsychologist J. G. Pratt and his wife. The meeting took place during the course of the famous poltergeist Sea ford. Christopher, who was already aware of the events in Sea-ford, prepared especially for the occasion the same effects and some more dramatic than those reported in the Herrmann family home. Obviously, Pratt knew he was facing a professional magician and critic of the paranormal, so at no time thought there was some poltergeist phenomena happening. But neither could explain, despite having reviewed the department, how these wonders were taking place. And as we reflect Christopher, "if he could not explain what happened here, which essentially is what happened at home in Seaford, sought to explain why what happened there?" (Dennett, 1984-85).
The answer is given, again, psychology. To summarize, let us say Vernon (pp. 206-208) to analyze four experimental work on motivation and perception (Levine & et al., 1942, Lazarus & et al., 1953; Wispe & Drambarean, 1953, Postman & Crutchfield, 1952 .)
"Delusional perceptions are produced, usually only in situations in which the observer will perceive clearly difficult, and where necessary, therefore, rests on a greater or lesser extent in imagination is more likely that the individual with a perceived need something that would suit you if considered likely to appear. If the perceptual situation is defined, for a while can imagine perceiving something suitable to quench your need, but will do so after a prolonged frustration. "
THE ILLUSION OF "SHEEP"
Perhaps one of the most revealing are the last few years is taking place Dr. Susan Blackmore at the University of Bristol (England). Based on the original classification of the parapsychologist Gertrude Schmeidler, which divides and defines the subjects according to their attitude towards psychic phenomena in "sheep" and "goats" or "gullible" and "gullible" respectively, Blackmore has linked the belief and reaching personal psychic experiences to develop and test the following hypothesis: psychic experiences are comparable to optical illusions.
Considering that the experiences are real but its origin belongs to unobservable internal processes, analyzes five types of delusions (connection, control, and randomness model, form, and memory) to suggest that psychic experiences are illusions causation (Blackmore, 1992).
Using the psychological concept of "illusion of control" of E. J. Langer, in which an individual establishes a cause-effect relationship between an action and a very casual event external Blackmore put it in the context of PK psi taking as references three earlier research (1975, 1976 and 1979) and tested the hypothesis that in a psi task PK action "sheep" would have a greater illusion of control that the "goats". Not only confirmed the hypothesis but found no evidence of PK (Blackmore & Troscianko, 1985).
The conclusion is that, whether or not psi occurs, these illusions would be the basis of many spontaneous psychic experiences generated a belief in the paranormal.
FRAUD: MORE TO CURRENCY
There is no topic in parapsychology in which the possibility of fraud has been absent. By far this stigma has helped turn the scientific community is skeptical of the statements showing the paranormal. An optimistic view might have expected this to be a stage already outdated, but its effect is still unwavering.
A good dose of faith, naivete and ignorance of certain techniques of deception are necessary for a Cocktail mischief, sometimes casual, sometimes not, shall fall into the trap of more academic researcher of the paranormal.
Just a brief historical survey of the abundant literature will parapsychological evidence the disturbing regularity of fraud victims often had as many researchers. The attitude that results may vary depending on the degree of belief or skepticism of each, and this will make the difference in the conclusions. Consequently, we have those who, with a fierce belief in the paranormal, quickly rejected the hypothesis of fraud to seek support in parapsychological theories, on the other side where, according to the dubious record concerning these issues, remain skeptical as long as the hypothesis of fraud has not been eliminated completely and the evidence is strong enough to rule out non-parapsychological explanation.
Considering that parapsychologists have been victims of deception in their own laboratories, which are supposed to control conditions should be optimal for this variable, what can we expect when in a field study of primarily the inability to control and manage different concomitant variables that exceed the capacity of observation of each person, and most of those who are less trained in techniques of deception and an expectant attitude, tinged with credulity?
Still, no one can fail to recognize that because of the unsuccessful search for evidence of the paranormal, many parapsychologists have left us an invaluable knowledge of the unlimited capacity and ingenuity of man to deceive his fellow men.
THE ANCIENT ART OF FOOL
The current illusionists recognize their first historical references in Egypt. The Egyptological discovery of a cave painting in a chamber tomb at Beni-Hassan, Heritage confirmed today called "game of goblets," which even the magicians perform to amuse and amaze the public.
This history also suggests that knowledge of the art of deception has always played a double role: the entertainment and abuse of public credulity.
We can find in some oracular temples and statues of Egypt, Greece and Rome, the early history of poltergeist phenomena. Such is the case of some of the famous palaces of the city maze of ancient Egypt, Crocodilopolis. As stated, opening the doors of palaces certain noises heard at that time were attributed to gods.
We owe it to Heron of Alexandria, the Greek mathematician wise, the revelation of the secrets of those ingenious capabilities in support of fraud, Mechanical works, especially in PLC and Pneumatic.
Thus we have the detailed description of the automatic system that produces a loud sound when opened the doors of a temple. The mechanism worked by a hidden system of pulleys, allowing the sliding of a rope or chain that was attached to the door, while the other end was tied to a kind of rigid arm connected to a trumpet that had a semi-hollow metal sphere instead of the normal nozzle.
Perhaps one of the most revealing are the last few years is taking place Dr. Susan Blackmore at the University of Bristol (England). Based on the original classification of the parapsychologist Gertrude Schmeidler, which divides and defines the subjects according to their attitude towards psychic phenomena in "sheep" and "goats" or "gullible" and "gullible" respectively, Blackmore has linked the belief and reaching personal psychic experiences to develop and test the following hypothesis: psychic experiences are comparable to optical illusions.
Considering that the experiences are real but its origin belongs to unobservable internal processes, analyzes five types of delusions (connection, control, and randomness model, form, and memory) to suggest that psychic experiences are illusions causation (Blackmore, 1992).
Using the psychological concept of "illusion of control" of E. J. Langer, in which an individual establishes a cause-effect relationship between an action and a very casual event external Blackmore put it in the context of PK psi taking as references three earlier research (1975, 1976 and 1979) and tested the hypothesis that in a psi task PK action "sheep" would have a greater illusion of control that the "goats". Not only confirmed the hypothesis but found no evidence of PK (Blackmore & Troscianko, 1985).
The conclusion is that, whether or not psi occurs, these illusions would be the basis of many spontaneous psychic experiences generated a belief in the paranormal.
FRAUD: MORE TO CURRENCY
There is no topic in parapsychology in which the possibility of fraud has been absent. By far this stigma has helped turn the scientific community is skeptical of the statements showing the paranormal. An optimistic view might have expected this to be a stage already outdated, but its effect is still unwavering.
A good dose of faith, naivete and ignorance of certain techniques of deception are necessary for a Cocktail mischief, sometimes casual, sometimes not, shall fall into the trap of more academic researcher of the paranormal.
Just a brief historical survey of the abundant literature will parapsychological evidence the disturbing regularity of fraud victims often had as many researchers. The attitude that results may vary depending on the degree of belief or skepticism of each, and this will make the difference in the conclusions. Consequently, we have those who, with a fierce belief in the paranormal, quickly rejected the hypothesis of fraud to seek support in parapsychological theories, on the other side where, according to the dubious record concerning these issues, remain skeptical as long as the hypothesis of fraud has not been eliminated completely and the evidence is strong enough to rule out non-parapsychological explanation.
Considering that parapsychologists have been victims of deception in their own laboratories, which are supposed to control conditions should be optimal for this variable, what can we expect when in a field study of primarily the inability to control and manage different concomitant variables that exceed the capacity of observation of each person, and most of those who are less trained in techniques of deception and an expectant attitude, tinged with credulity?
Still, no one can fail to recognize that because of the unsuccessful search for evidence of the paranormal, many parapsychologists have left us an invaluable knowledge of the unlimited capacity and ingenuity of man to deceive his fellow men.
THE ANCIENT ART OF FOOL
The current illusionists recognize their first historical references in Egypt. The Egyptological discovery of a cave painting in a chamber tomb at Beni-Hassan, Heritage confirmed today called "game of goblets," which even the magicians perform to amuse and amaze the public.
This history also suggests that knowledge of the art of deception has always played a double role: the entertainment and abuse of public credulity.
We can find in some oracular temples and statues of Egypt, Greece and Rome, the early history of poltergeist phenomena. Such is the case of some of the famous palaces of the city maze of ancient Egypt, Crocodilopolis. As stated, opening the doors of palaces certain noises heard at that time were attributed to gods.
We owe it to Heron of Alexandria, the Greek mathematician wise, the revelation of the secrets of those ingenious capabilities in support of fraud, Mechanical works, especially in PLC and Pneumatic.
Thus we have the detailed description of the automatic system that produces a loud sound when opened the doors of a temple. The mechanism worked by a hidden system of pulleys, allowing the sliding of a rope or chain that was attached to the door, while the other end was tied to a kind of rigid arm connected to a trumpet that had a semi-hollow metal sphere instead of the normal nozzle.
When the door opened, the sliding of the rope allowed the semi-sphere is introduced into a container of water and as a result of that contact, the air accumulated in the hemisphere was amplified forced out through the trumpet, producing sound or noise that would surely be magnified in proportion to the size and number of doors (see Fig 1).
So did the mysterious opening and closing of doors leading to an inner sanctuary. The implementation of the mechanism depended on or off the fire that covered an altar hollow next to the doors of the temple (see Figure 2), and whose internal connection to a siphon system, weights and pulleys, activated by pressure or decompression air, hot or cold, determined the slow opening and closing of doors (Gibson, 1967).
With BOOM IN THE MANGA?
Dozens of feats parade through the ethno-religious literature in relation to lamados sorcerers, shamans, magicians and / or Wizards of the various primitive societies (Eliade, 1960).
Is no longer news how many of these mythical characters maintained in full force and power, using strategic business tricks worthy of any magician.
There have been parapsychologists who wanted to establish a strict relationship between these feats and psi phenomena (Pobers, 1956; Reichbart, 1976, 1978, Kelly & Locke, 1981; Rogo, 1983, 1984). Criteriosos while others have pointed out the inconvenient of this ratio (Dingwall, 1956, 1974 and Hansen, 1985).
In this varied series of miracles, we found some mimicking the effects of current poltergeists.
Among primitive peoples of Siberia, the Chukchi us one good model within their magical cures. According Bogoras observations in these sessions are heard cries of "spirits" from different places, and while the shaman incorporates a spirit (ké'let) and he speaks through it, occur in the darkness of the shop: levitation objects, hail of stones and pieces of wood, shaking of the tent, and so on. (Bogoras, 1904).
Similar stories come from watching American tribes. The missionary Gabriel Sagard-Théodat, in a report for the year 1623, he realized his experience with healers Nipissing and the mystery of the "Tent Trembling"
"Sometimes the witches were tied before being placed on their premises. Bound or not, caused the 'towers' (barrel-shaped store with the smaller peak at the base) vibrate shortly after the flaps fell. It was alleged that some shamans were so powerful that only their collars, shirts and moccasins enough to shake a structure. A man was credited with four stores that moved at a time. "(Christopher, 1973).
These curiosities can be regarded as the prelude to a long history of fraud and mischief.
So did the mysterious opening and closing of doors leading to an inner sanctuary. The implementation of the mechanism depended on or off the fire that covered an altar hollow next to the doors of the temple (see Figure 2), and whose internal connection to a siphon system, weights and pulleys, activated by pressure or decompression air, hot or cold, determined the slow opening and closing of doors (Gibson, 1967).
With BOOM IN THE MANGA?
Dozens of feats parade through the ethno-religious literature in relation to lamados sorcerers, shamans, magicians and / or Wizards of the various primitive societies (Eliade, 1960).
Is no longer news how many of these mythical characters maintained in full force and power, using strategic business tricks worthy of any magician.
There have been parapsychologists who wanted to establish a strict relationship between these feats and psi phenomena (Pobers, 1956; Reichbart, 1976, 1978, Kelly & Locke, 1981; Rogo, 1983, 1984). Criteriosos while others have pointed out the inconvenient of this ratio (Dingwall, 1956, 1974 and Hansen, 1985).
In this varied series of miracles, we found some mimicking the effects of current poltergeists.
Among primitive peoples of Siberia, the Chukchi us one good model within their magical cures. According Bogoras observations in these sessions are heard cries of "spirits" from different places, and while the shaman incorporates a spirit (ké'let) and he speaks through it, occur in the darkness of the shop: levitation objects, hail of stones and pieces of wood, shaking of the tent, and so on. (Bogoras, 1904).
Similar stories come from watching American tribes. The missionary Gabriel Sagard-Théodat, in a report for the year 1623, he realized his experience with healers Nipissing and the mystery of the "Tent Trembling"
"Sometimes the witches were tied before being placed on their premises. Bound or not, caused the 'towers' (barrel-shaped store with the smaller peak at the base) vibrate shortly after the flaps fell. It was alleged that some shamans were so powerful that only their collars, shirts and moccasins enough to shake a structure. A man was credited with four stores that moved at a time. "(Christopher, 1973).
These curiosities can be regarded as the prelude to a long history of fraud and mischief.
APPLES OF ORIGINAL SIN
For some it may be ridiculous, or at the most fun, think that a prank girls can be transformed into a chapter of history. But just make a brief bibliography and see how many cases remain and continue adding new ones against innocent adults.
According to the testimony of Fox himself, the naive game of rolling and hit an apple on the floor pulling a thread was so frightened at first fascinated by her mother, creating the right climate for further bond with the spirits. When they saw the same success obtained by playing a sound similar to the cracking of the knuckles of the fingers, began to try with your feet using as support and sounding the headboard. And so were born the raps.
Constant practice led them to perfection and, on occasion, to resort to his ankles and knees.
The main accused was her older sister, Leah, who from the beginning knew what it was nevertheless decided to trap and transform into a profitable business fraud (The World, 1888).
Finally, what many ended up being a disappointment, for others became a religion, and a third group did its subject.
For some it may be ridiculous, or at the most fun, think that a prank girls can be transformed into a chapter of history. But just make a brief bibliography and see how many cases remain and continue adding new ones against innocent adults.
According to the testimony of Fox himself, the naive game of rolling and hit an apple on the floor pulling a thread was so frightened at first fascinated by her mother, creating the right climate for further bond with the spirits. When they saw the same success obtained by playing a sound similar to the cracking of the knuckles of the fingers, began to try with your feet using as support and sounding the headboard. And so were born the raps.
Constant practice led them to perfection and, on occasion, to resort to his ankles and knees.
The main accused was her older sister, Leah, who from the beginning knew what it was nevertheless decided to trap and transform into a profitable business fraud (The World, 1888).
Finally, what many ended up being a disappointment, for others became a religion, and a third group did its subject.
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